Black Activism and the Macon Bus Boycott
By James Crawley, Jessica Kendrick, Kendalee Marcus, Tim Remington, Alex White, and Seven Woods
Oral history with Judge William Randall
During the civil rights movement, black and white leaders in Macon were able to negotiate for change, so Macon experienced less violence than some other southern cities. Black Maconites challenged segregation in the early 1960s by negotiating and communicating with the white power structure, rather than forcing confrontation. The bus boycott of 1962 led by William “Billy” Randall was the pivotal event of the civil rights movement in Macon. [video of Billy Randall addressing a mass meeting]
The bus boycott was a campaign to end segregation on the Macon city buses and to increase the employment of blacks as bus drivers and mechanics. Mr. Randall requested that Linton D. Baggs, head of the Bibb County transit company, desegregate the busses, but Mr. Baggs refused. The boycott of the Macon buses began on February 12, 1962, and it lasted for three weeks. Even though there was a restraining order against Randall and the other leaders, they continued to lead the boycott. Judge William Bootle ruled that segregated bus seating laws were unconstitutional, and ordered the transit company to put an end to segregated bus seating. The bus boycott was ended by a mutual decision of both black and white Maconites, who agreed that it was the best decision to end the boycott at that particular time. To everyone’s surprise, the boycott ended quite peaceably, without any mass demonstrations or violent eruptions.
The substantial financial losses of the bus companies forced them to accept the terms of the activists only after a few months. The Macon boycott imitated the 1955 Montgomery bus boycott and achieved the same results in a shorter period of time. From the outset, those who were part of the movement and led the movement in Macon were related in some way, either by blood, marriage, or religious affiliation. This initial group was able to coordinate small protests to appeal to a larger base of support and thus manage to generate both local support as well as elite support from the community. The support from local blacks as well as the black elite allowed for the movement to continue protests. This solid base of support is reflected by the overwhelming support of the bus boycott with almost unanimous participation from the black community.
During an interview with Judge William Randall, the son of Billy Randall, the judge commented on just how effective the strike was. “The first day of the strike I’d say it was ninety-nine percent effective. There was a black lady who had gotten on the bus but when two other black men explained what they were doing with the boycott she got off after one stop. From then on out, I’d say it was one hundred percent effective.” Many of the influential members of the black community were supportive of, if not personally involved with, the grass roots approach, and they participated in sit-ins, boycotts, and pickets. When individuals tried to edge for potential violence, Billy Randall was there to tell them that they were not going to rely upon such tactics in their quest for equality.
Most of the African American leadership during the civil rights movement in Macon was local rather than national. With the exception of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), national civil rights organizations played little to no role in Macon. Most of the city’s black residents felt that they did not need, or want, to ask big national civil rights groups such as the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) for help because they believed they could handle it themselves.
After finding success in their first strike at the white power structure, black Maconites united with the goal of not only segregating all public areas, but also improving salaries and living conditions for blacks, women, and other minority groups. In the 1960s, several local institutions integrated, including Mercer University, and after the Bivins family filed a lawsuit, Judge Bootle order the Bibb County schools to integrate. It also took a lawsuit to get the public parks of Macon desegregated.
Despite slow progress and no national aid, the black protest in Macon was successful. One of the reasons for success was racial moderation from the white people of Macon. There were two strong foundational elements behind the racial moderation in Macon: the well-established Macon Telegraph, which was moderate with an “anti-lynching, anti-Klan editorial stance,” and Mercer University (Manis 203).While the editorial stance of the Macon Telegraph was typically moderate, it wasn’t purely progressive. The Macon Telegraph was “often critical of the NAACP and continued to advocate state’s rights in the political debates surrounding civil rights” (Manis 203). The white moderates of the city made a positive contribution to the city by electing a moderate Mercer law professor into office at a time when black protesters needed the governmental support the most. Edgar H. Wilson who followed his uncle, Lewis B. Wilson, was elected mayor in 1959. Like his uncle, Wilson remained a racial moderate who publicly supported segregation while privately remaining willing to negotiate with the black leaders of Macon. His willingness to listen to the black concerns of the city aided in developing ties with the black community.
One crucial connection was that between Mayor Wilson and Billy Randall.In 1961 Randall negotiated with the Wilson administration about integrating the Bowden golf course, and the city council voted to desegregate the golf course. This was to be the first location in Macon to override Jim Crow, which was a true triumph for the city. This incident, however, was not recorded in the Telegraph until almost six months later, and it was published mostly through the actions of the black activists.
About a year later, sit-ins at lunch counters began to occur more frequently as teens and students pushed their boundaries. Mayor Wilson took notice of these boycotts and black protests, and began to push the idea of eventually surrendering to integration. As boycotts, such as that of the Bibb Transit Authority, took place, the Telegraph voiced its fear that the violence would increase if the protesting did not end soon. Eventually, the lunch counters and buses were integrated with minimum violence but maximum protesting.
Violence did happen, however. One of the most violent incidents of the movement in Macon was the riot in Tattnall Square Park in 1963. It started because some black children played on the segregated playground. When the whites who lived in the surrounding neighborhood saw the black children in the park, they formed an angry mob. This is one of the few examples of white resistance taking such a large form. Most of the incidents of white resistance in Macon were the actions of individuals retaliating against black protesters. However, the riot at Tattnall Square Park was an indication that there was always the threat of a violent retaliation from whites. The significance of this event must not be underplayed. The violent retaliation could have spiraled out of control and Macon could have had a very negative impact on the history of the civil rights movement. This riot reminded both sides of the tension and sensitivity of the issue and show that there was a hidden tempest of emotions under the surface of the movement.
The civil rights movement in Macon stands out as being particularly well negotiated and executed. Most of the tactics used by the leaders of the movement in Macon had already been proven successful in other cities. The local leaders were able to focus on a few short term goals in order to slowly integrate several key areas of importance. The community of civil rights activists in Macon was well connected and organized, and the cohesion of the black community in Macon remained mostly intact through the course of the era. Leaders from both sides chose to resolve conflicts with words rather than violence. While this history of Macon is not without some bloodshed, there still remains the evidence that the activism within Macon spurred discussion rather than aggression.
Works Cited:
Manis, Andrew Michael. Macon Black and White: An Unutterable Separation in the American Century. Macon, GA: Mercer UP, 2004. 171-201.
Randall, William. Interview with Edward White. April 18, 2012.